Al Qaidah

Al Qaeda is a Western Deep State construct created on 30 May 1993 to frame Osama bin Laden for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed’s terrorist spree that had started three months earlier on 26 February 1993, with his nephew Ramzi Yousef’s World Trade Center bombing. The specific date of creation comes from this news report shared by the French news service AFP on 30 May 1993 :

“Jordanian Militants Train in Afghanistan to Confront Regime”
Citing a Jordanian militant, AFP said he’d been “trained by Al-Ka’ida, a secret organisation that is financed by a wealthy Saudi businessman who owns a construction firm in Jeddah, Ossama ibn Laden.”

Within a month of the WTC bombing the FBI knew that a “Khaled Shaykh” sent $660 from Doha Qatar to the bombers in New York on November 3, 1992 and Ramzi Yousef was added to the FBI’s Most Wanted List on April 21, 1993. But whoever wrote the May 1993 AFP article was determined to shift the focus away from Qatar and KSM (who had a no-show government job in Qatar’s water department from 1993 to 1996) and on to Osama bin Laden and Afghanistan. Al Ka’ida (as the AFP misspelled it) did have a link to OBL though: Al Qaidah town is in Ibb governorate in Yemen where Osama bin Laden’s mentor Sheikh Abdul-Majeed al-Zindani lived, where his fifth wife Amal al-Sadah came from, and where I believe OBL’s Arab-Mujahideen returning from Afghanistan were demobilized in the late 1980s. A strong piece of supporting evidence for my belief is a letter OBL wrote in 1987 asking permission to visit Yemen, where a third of the estimated 10,000-Arab Mujahideen in Afghanistan were recruited from with the assistance of then President Saleh’s brother-in-law General Ali Mohsen. General Mohsen had visited OBL in Afghanistan during the war as had his mentor from Ibb and I believe OBL’s 1987 visit to Yemen was to arrange the repatriation and demobilization of the remaining Arab-Mujahideen, and specifically for Osama bin Laden’s followers to a beautiful and secluded valley one mile from Al Qaidah town. OLB’s 1987 letter requesting to visit Yemen is a documented fact; the theory about that visit being to Al Qaidah town is mine. While supported by the circumstantial evidence of OBL’s links to Ibb governorate and alliance with General Mohsen, my theory about Al Qaeda and Al Qaidah town is held together by one key fact – I was taken to that secluded valley one mile from Al Qaidah town on 26 September 1997, thirty minutes after being introduced to ‘the Engineer’ (KSM) in the Taiz headquarters compound of Yemen’s richest company, the British allied multi-billion dollar Hayel Saeed Anam Group (as detailed here). My journey from the Hayel Saeed Anam Group HQ in Taiz to 'the Base' besides Al Qaidah town is detailed in my video here:

Al Qaidah town is named after a military base established there in 1174 by the brother of one of history’s most admired and respected military minds, Saladin. Two hundred years later that military base had become a town that retained the name Al Qaidah (as it is spelt on the town’s sign in Yemen and on google maps with an apostrophe). Saladin was a devoted Jihadi who spent much of his life fighting European Crusader occupation of the Middle East. It’s beyond doubt that from his earliest years Osama bin Laden (OBL) would’ve known about and likely studied Saladin’s military campaigns. Given that OBL’s father was from Yemen, plus his mentor and fifth wife both came from Ibb governorate where Al Qaidah is located, it’s beyond doubt that he would’ve known about the town and its historical significance.

Those facts and my speculation match OBL’s statements about Al Qaeda: “That particular name is very old” - a reference to the original Al Qaidah, established in 1174; “Abu Ubayda al-Banshiri created a military base to train the young men to fight against the vicious, arrogant, brutal, terrorizing, Soviet empire, which was a truth to all observers. So this place was called “The Base”, as in a training base” – refers to Al Qaidah’s use as a staging / training area for the Arab Mujahideen; and “It was born without any intention from us” – refers to Western media’s use of the name Al Qaeda, starting on 30 May 1993 with the AFP press release.

It's widely reported that OBL gave General Mohsen $20 million to help resettle his band-of-brothers in Yemen, and I believe they were hosted in the same beautiful valley one mile from Al Qaidah that I visited in 1997. That valley, just six miles from Taiz military airport, was also very likely used by General Mohsen when mobilizing, supplying and visiting the Arab-Mujahideen in 1980s Afghanistan.

Al Qaeda’s Invention

Why use the name Al Qaeda, or Al Ka’ida as it was first spelt by AFP in 1993? Because of OBL’s intimate links to and loyalty to Yemen it would mean he'd do all he could to hide any link to Al Qaidah town. The multiple and farcical misspellings of the town’s name ever since is a clear indication of that – it was psychological warfare, keeping OBL as far away from Al Qaidah as possible but still allowing the town’s use by Deep State entities and corrupt Intel agencies. That’s proved by CIA contractor Billy Waugh’s admission that he worked with Al Qaeda operators in 1990s Yemen, most likely during the 1994 civil war in which Taiz and Al Qaidah town were on the front line. And perhaps the strongest evidence is the fact that when I met KSM in 1997, it was 17-miles south of Al Qaidah, inside the headquarters compound of the British allied Hayel Saeed Anam Group (HSA). That happened during my business trip there for my family’s Queen’s Award winning British company (JM Heaford Ltd) and their US sales agent David Dean. Dean committed suicide on 8 January 2020, twenty-five days after I first publicly linked him to Billy Waugh and Al Qaeda front companies in Yemen, and just two days after I tweeted “More info on the US sales agent who I believe was a CIA contractor (same career history as Billy Waugh) coming soon”.

Reporting & Misreporting About Al Qaidah Town

Back in 1997 I had no idea I’d just met KSM, instigated the 9/11 plot and visited Al Qaidah town, but I did know something very suspicious had happened during my visit. I had tried to report that, first to my works manager Tony Preece (he shooed me out of his office while telling me it didn’t matter), then to JM Heaford Ltd’s senior service technician David Hughes whose advice was to “Never report anything like that”. I gave my clearest warning during my last business trip to America, on 2 December 1997 to Dan Barkochba inside his Brooklyn factory Ultra-Flex. David Dean setup that visit, and going off Barkochba’s last name (it’s an Aramaic language Messianic name meaning Son-of-a-Star), I’ve little doubt he was both a rabid Zionist and a Mossad asset. Clearly I was being tested by Dean and his Deep State cohorts. Barkochba said he would pass my warning and business card on to his security service contacts but I never heard back. I now have no doubt that my failure to help prevent 9/11 occurring was down to one critical factor: I was born into the Deep State, my family’s legitimate engineering export business one of their front companies, and everyone I tried to warn was a cog within the Deep State. I did give my travel warning – don’t visit the World Trade Center and resist any hijacking attempts – once more to two friends who were going to New York on holiday, but I didn’t speak of it again until 2009.

A few days before I was attested into the British army on 27 January 2009, taking an Oath of Allegiance, I called counter terrorism police to report my very vague suspicions from 1997 Yemen. The moment I mentioned ‘YemPak’ (the name of KSM’s front company in Taiz) the line clicked and a different voice simply said, “Carry on”. Although I didn’t even know of Al Qaidah town then, I gave as much detail as I could, even saying I thought I’d met members of Al Qaeda, but they paid me no interest and a few days later I became a member of Her Majesty’s Armed Forces. I went on to serve six months in 2012 Afghanistan and was next to or near Captain Harry Windsor in the dining hall with my loaded rifle on several occasions. So much for British security vetting!

It was another six years before I started reporting my concerns from Yemen again. First in a February 2015 email to Britain’s Private Eye magazine and to British counter terrorism police (SO15) again a couple of days after the Saudi led coalition started attacking Yemen in March. Private Eye never responded but their defence correspondent Paul Vickers did publish a hatchet job on my reports of British complicity in Afghan opium production in August 2015. Vickers ‘died suddenly’ in September 2017, two months after I exposed his lies in that hatchet job to editor Ian Hislop. SO15 never replied to my numerous phone calls and emails to them either, but during my second call the handler was a ‘sympathetic listener’ and I remember very clearly giving an extremely detailed and accurate description of my journey to the valley by Al Qaidah town. There can be no doubt that SO15 knew at that moment exactly where I’d been – the Base / Al Qaidah – but unknown to me, the public coverup had already started.

In 2013 Johanna Hortolani of the Reprieve UK human rights NGO published a report that asserts there’s no link between Al Qaeda and Al Qaidah. She doesn’t say how or who made that assertion, just that Emad Hassan (the Yemeni Guantanamo detainee Reprieve UK were representing) had been detained because he told interrogators that he knew about Al Qaidah, suggesting the interrogators were too thick to differentiate between a terrorist group and a supposedly unrelated town of the same name. Reprieve Uk repeated the claim of a ‘translation error’ when Emad Hassan was released in 2015 but when I brought the Truth about Al Qaidah to their attention in 2019, they deleted that report and then republished it omitting the assertion that Al Qaeda and Al Qaidah are unrelated. Johanna Hortolani’s 2013 report is still available to read here. US attorney Alka Pradhan was one of Johanna Hortolani’s co-workers in 2013, representing Emad Hassan for Reprieve UK. The significant of that will become apparent shortly, but for now please note that Alka Pradhan has been a US Department of Defense attorney since 2015, defending KSM’s nephew Ammar al-Baluchi. Johanna Hortolani’s original 2013 claim (I can’t find any previous reference to Emad Hassan and Al Qaidah town, but would be happy to be corrected) was repeated in 2014 by the Morning Star Online, who interestingly used both Hortolani’s misspelling and the correct spelling (with an apostrophe) of the town’s name:

My Discovery of Al Qaidah Town and an Invitation to Interview by the US Pentagon

Since May 2015, when I found my old photos from Yemen and identified the man introduced to me as the Engineer as KSM, I’ve been on the most incredible journey of discovery (including my 2019 realization about JM Heaford Ltd being a Deep State front that led to David Dean’s suicide). A highlight on that journey came on 1 November 2017 when I found my 1997 meeting place on google maps and zoomed out to see Al Qaidah town one mile away. I immediately reported it to SO15 but once again they showed no interest whatsoever. I repeated and reported my discovery publicly and although there was next to no reaction it does appear someone noticed. On 19 December 2017 the New York Times published an interview with former Reprieve UK employee and now US Department of Defense (DoD) attorney Alka Pradhan, brazenly titled “Alka Pradhan v. Gitmo” and doubling down on Hortolani’s original claim of there being no link between Al Qaeda and Al Qaidah. And then three months later, in a twist that could have come from a spy film, the Guantanamo defense team that Pradhan was working for contacted me, saying they were “very interested in your insight and knowledge regarding the subject matter you have researched”. The US Pentagon based military investigator who contacted me (initially via facebook!), suggesting sending a team of DoD investigators to Manchester to interview me over a four-day period, could only have done so with the express permission of three entities. They were the US 9/11 trial judge (Colonel James Pohl), the 9/11 prosecution team, and most importantly British security services. My first reaction was to call SO15 again, to tell them a foreign government was sending investigators to question me about my claims that they’d been ignoring since January 2009. SO15’s reply was just three words long, “Not our problem”, before they hung up on me. Despite my not telling SO15 exactly who had contacted me, or telling my US Pentagon liaison I'd contacted them, when my liaison next emailed me she referenced my conversation with SO15. This is no longer a twist that could have come from a spy film – this is a real-life spy story, mine. And there's another twist, or maybe just a coincidence: Amy Zittritsch, my Pentagon liaison, was a CSRA contractor. CSRA is a subsiduary of General Dynamics whose other subsiduary, the British army Foxhound vehicle manufacturer, I reported on their £400-million procurement corruption in 2017! The Foxhound was signed in to service during my 2012 Helmand tour despite the fact it had failed hot weather trials - the desert patrol vehicle breaksdown in hot weather! It might be funny if that procurement corruption hadn't cost both British soldiers and two American Marines their lives.

After initially accepting the US DoD’s invitation to interview I declined their offer after they refused to discuss my witness status. But the real reason was the patronizing tone of my Pentagon liaison and my realization that their intention was to either cancel at the last moment or use the interview to discredit my research and assertions. I suspect that that contact was prompted by my meeting with Sir Graham Brady one year before, when I submitted a dossier of my experiences in 1997 Yemen that Brady then forwarded to the US embassy’s political officer (spook), Thomas Williams. My real-life ‘spy story’ is one of being ignored, maligned and attacked by those determined to hide the Truth about 9/11, perhaps the most critical element of which is that I gave my first 9/11 warning to a customer in Toronto on 12 June 1997, just three months before JM Heaford Ltd sent me to spend a week inside Khalid Sheikh Mohammed’s front company.